Smart Risks—How small grants are helping to solve some of the world’s biggest problems

Title: Smart Risks—How small grants are helping to solve some of the world’s biggest problems

Writer: Aleah Ostrowski

 

Introduction and Goals

The goal of the authors of this book was to demonstrate and explain to readers that investing in local communities and the creation of meaningful interpersonal relationships with a strong focus on the use of local knowledge is an investment that is worth it in terms of the risks associated (Lentfer & Cothran, 2017, p.1).

Book cover of the book Smart Risks by Jennifer Lentfer and Tanya Cothran

The authors certainly fulfill the guidelines and goals of the book and this is evident throughout the clear table of contents at the beginning of the book and throughout each chapter. Every chapter includes what can be drawn from the chapter and what can be taken away from the story that every author has presented and shared with the readers. This review will include theories that were addressed within the book, the proximity of the authors, the audience that it targets, ways that it could be improved and the strong points.

Theories and Methods

The authors explain the theories and methods that are used in this book in different ways. The first method is through story-telling. The book is first split up into five different smart risks which include; “investing in local expertise”, “being non-prescriptive and flexible, with a long-term outlook”, “looking to the grassroots for innovation”, “rethinking accountability” and “practicing vulnerability” (Lentfer & Cothran, 2017, Contents). Then the book is broken down into smaller parts which include first-hand stories from the different authors and their experiences with this particular topic in relation to the smart risks that are explained more broadly. Therefore, the theories are mainly explained through the method of telling a story, but at the end of each chapter there is a summary with the main points that the readers can draw from the book which was very useful. This provides the readers with an easy way of picking out the most important elements of the chapter and how the theories and methods can be learned and applied to the real world. The theories are very applicable to the book’s aims in terms of explaining how using these methods can contribute to taking smart risks within international development.

Proximity

The authors are certainly close enough in distance to the topic because they are telling the story from their own point of view and explaining first hand experiences in terms of the challenges they may have faced or overcome throughout their time working in international development. Each chapter is written by a different author and is a unique experience from the next. It shows that not everyone’s experience working in international development is the same and provides insight for others.

Listening practice in a meeting between refugees and the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs at a camp in the Parwan Se district of Kabul, Afghanistan, in 2012

Not only do the authors tell the story from their own personal experiences but they also give advice for those that may be working or learning about international development and trying to improve the ways in which they can contribute by not only contributing but also simply listening to what the demands of different communities are. I would say that the whole book really avoids sounding judgmental or that they are in a position of power, in fact the authors sound as though they are really trying to put the power in the hands of local people and giving them the ability to use their knowledge in effective ways by providing them with the proper tools.

Relating to Literature

Since this book is fairly new, it is certainly encouraging ideas and theories that are still quite new to the international community in terms of working in development. Many large development banks are known for providing large loans to developing countries with high interest which are nearly impossible to pay back. However, some of the more recent findings are presenting the idea of small grants for developing communities and countries to put the power to allocate the funds in the hands of the local people without leaving them in debt (Bulow & Rogoff, 2005, p.393). Therefore, these findings, presented by Bulow and Rogoff in the article Grants versus Loans for Development Banks, support the same arguments made in Smart Risks in the way that it is explained that local knowledge is what will make the risk of small grants worth while (2005, p.393). The argument about providing small grants instead of large loans made in the article by Bulow and Rogoff is explained in more detail in Chapter 13 written by Tanya Cothran (2017, p.77). Cothran’s chapter concludes by explaining that small grants are more effective and beneficial because they place the power in the hands of business owners instead of the government (2017, p.79).

Improvements

The book could be improved a several ways, but one of the main aspects that stood out was that the advice and conclusions that are given at the end of some of the chapters seem as though these are the only ways to do development correctly. Something that would bring a unique perspective to the book would be to incorporate some of the opinions and experiences of those currently living in communities in developing countries that the authors may have interacted with. Even though these authors have worked and studied in development, it would provide a more holistic perspective by incorporating the stories of those that are not in positions of power or privilege.

Target Audience

This book is an easy read and could certainly be understood from someone that is not studying or working in international development. Closer to the start of the book there is actually a section that explains who the book is meant for, which include “readers from individuals with small contributions to make, to large philanthropists, and heads of organizations with portfolios of millions to spend” (Lentfer & Cothran, 2017, p.13).  The beginning of the book starts off with different examples of real world people that are simply trying to help others in developing countries but may not know how or may not have the resources to help in an effective way (Lentfer & Cothran, 2017, p.1-3). Therefore, the language used is very simple and would be easy for almost anyone to understand. The structure itself conveys the ideas in a clear way and I think that the book would be suitable for undergraduate students, graduate students and experts because it provides a different perspective about how to focus on local development using small grants instead of large loans. I think that even some higher grade high school students would be able to read this book, possibly in a global studies class, just because the ideas are explained in plain words that are easy to understand. This book would be an enlightening read for young people that aspire to make a difference.

Conclusion and Praise

This book was completely well worth the read. I would certainly recommend it to others studying or working within international development but also to those that are not familiar with the reality of international development. The book is easy to read and provides a unique perspective on the use of small grants instead of focusing on large loans which many of the large international development organizations have used in the past and which continue to fail. As an international development student, this book was refreshing in terms of presenting another platform that could potentially be a better solution to providing funds to developing communities directly so that the power is in the hands of small businesses or those that are new entrepreneurs are trying to improve their livelihoods (Lentfer & Cothran, 2017, p.12).

 

Reference List

Bulow, J., & Rogoff, K. (2005). Grants versus Loans for Development Banks. IDEAS Working

Paper Series from RePEc, IDEAS Working Paper Series from RePEc, 2005.

Lentfer, J., & Cothran, T. (2017). Smart risks: how small grants are helping to solve some of the worlds biggest problems. Bourton on Dunsmore, UK: Practical Action Publishing Ltd.

The Medicine of Peace: Indigenous Youth Decolonizing Healing and Resisting Violence

Title: The Medicine of Peace: Indigenous Youth Decolonizing Healing and Resisting Violence

Writer: Jessica Quinn

 

Jeffrey Paul Ansloos’ (2017) book The Medicine of Peace: Indigenous Youth Decolonizing Healing and Resisting Violence provides a unique theoretical framework of critical-Indigenous peace psychology as an alternative to mainstream Western psychologies. In his debut novel, Ansloos sets out to answer several challenging questions around Indigenous psychology, including how critical-Indigenous psychology nonviolently resist colonial oppression of Indigenous youth identity, and how can this non-violent approach address the revitalization of this identity? Ansloos successfully addresses these critical questions and more by exploring the history of colonial violence and how it presents itself today in the lives of Indigenous youth, how to envision a critical-Indigenous peace psychology, and how this theoretical framework can be utilized to move forward on Indigenous youth healing and resistance.

Ansloos, J.P. (2017). The Medicine of Peace: Indigenous Youth Decolonizing Healing and Resisting Violence. Winnipeg, MB: Fernwood Publishing.

In the initial chapters, the author argues that the currently observed patterns of violence among Indigenous youth are a product of colonial and intergenerational violence and trauma, and that the current methods of Western psychological and systemic intervention continue to perpetuate such harms against Indigenous youth. In further chapters, Ansloos recommends a critical-Indigenous discourse that will unsettle and decolonize the status quo of Indigenous inferiority to change the outcomes of such failed colonial interventions (p. 51). In his final chapters, Ansloos offers an analysis of the ritualization and reinvigoration of cultural pride and integrity among Indigenous youth as a stepping stone towards developing an Indigenous peace psychology for youth, including an in-depth analysis of the utility of the sacred medicine wheel teachings on which to build an Indigenous peace psychology (p. 92-95). Ansloos concludes with recommendations for further action in order to transform his theoretical framework into action for the benefit of Indigenous youth.

Ansloos explicitly names the framework from which his position is based in the introduction of his book, as it forms the foundation of his entire theoretical argument towards an Indigenous peace psychology and ensuing qualitative analysis. Ansloos takes a non-violent critical-Indigenous approach; he explains its formation over several chapters and then goes forward to explain why it is significant, and why it is useful in answering his core questions. Ansloos develops this theoretical framework with backing from such thinkers as Michel Foucault on discourse (p. 43), Franz Fanon on racialized and colonized identities (p. 46), Alasdair MacIntyre on communitarianism and ethics (p. 67) and Catherine Bell on ritualization (p. 72). By establishing his theoretical basis in the previously established and validated writings of both historical and modern philosophers, Ansloos preemptively validates his theoretical position and forms a sound argument on this foundation.

Ansloos’ inquiry is a unique critical analysis of traditional social sciences and psychology as perpetrators of colonial oppression and violence towards Indigenous peoples. In deconstructing the hegemonic violence of such systems as the juvenile justice systems through theory, Ansloos provides an Indigenous voice in the social sciences, which Indigenous voices have been intentionally excluded and erased from. While the overrepresentation of Indigenous peoples in such realms as the justice system and those with mental health concerns is well explored in academia, Ansloos goes beyond simple explanations of violence being inherent to “[Indigenous peoples’] nature” (p. 22) and instead suggests that “the overrepresentation of Indigenous youth in prison [not] be viewed as a statistical oddity, especially in isolation from colonial history” (p. 105). Ansloos also provides realistic, albeit theoretical, solutions to the difficult challenges of decolonization, resistance and healing in his final chapter, a challenging and largely neglected task, which could readily translate to practical and policy solutions.

The photo, taken in 2008, of Graffiti from Feone Sem Crise, placed in Avenida Itaberaba, Sao Paulo.

As an Indigenous person, a youth worker, an educator and a psychologist, Ansloos is close to the issues explored in his book. His position in the field of the book’s focus, however, does not present a significant or disabling bias as it enables him to delve deeper into the issues explored than a non-Indigenous person or someone without the level of expertise that he holds. Due to his experiences in youth work, education and psychology, as well as contact with the social sciences in general, Ansloos is rightfully critical of these fields and their perpetuation of colonial mentalities. Ansloos also acknowledges his deficits in expertise as needed, though not disqualifying him from being an expert in this field, which he fills with knowledge from other scholarly and cultural sources. In his exploration of the medicine wheel, Ansloos offers that was “acculturated and formed primarily in Western culture, especially Western academia,” (p. 85), and thus comes to cultural understandings through his engagement with Elders and those within Indigenous cultures.

Ansloos’ arguments are well-supported by the experiences of Elders and the work of academics. Throughout his book, Ansloos draws in a variety of scholars, theorists and practitioners, and he intertwines these thoughts into logical and clear arguments. Considering the plethora of psychological and social sciences-based theories, knowledge and analysis, Ansloos makes clear and concise arguments and connections between his ideas, fitting all of this into an easily digestible format and length for readers new to the subject. Ansloos also ties in personal experiences at the beginning of each chapter in a manner that compels readers to feel his emotions as he walks through the chapter. This forges a personal relationship between the reader and the material, and is especially important for non-Indigenous readers or those who have not experienced racism or colonialism directly.

Despite the well-supported arguments and emotional connections supplied by Ansloos, the work is mostly theoretical; in acknowledging this, Ansloos calls the current work “‘fuel for the flame’s of developing diverse Indigenous psychologies” (p. 107). Ansloos overcomes this limitation by providing the aforementioned practical and policy solutions to stimulate decolonization and healing. Also, while well-researched, it can sometimes be challenging to decipher which ideas belong to Ansloos and which are those of the Elders, scholars and frameworks he references. Ansloos provides clear analyses in the latter chapters of his book, but his message can at times be muddled in the heavily theoretical chapters.

Overall, Ansloos has provided a sound and practical solution to the neocolonial practices of psychology and social sciences that reproduce colonial hegemony, especially among marginalized Indigenous youth. Ansloos acknowledges his privilege and bias throughout the book, most notably being raised in a predominantly Western-influenced household (p. 85), and actively works to avoid taking a pan-Indigenous approach so as to not homogenize or erroneously speak for any Indigenous groups on Turtle Island. At the conclusion of each chapter, Ansloos provides references for further reading and makes accessible related materials and authors. Ansloos’ book would be useful for educators and students in the social sciences and psychology to challenge and decolonize their ways of thought, especially going forward to potentially work with Indigenous youth. Those currently working with (especially marginalized and vulnerable) Indigenous youth would also benefit from reading Ansloos work, as would anyone with an interest in critical perspectives on colonialism and oppression of Indigenous peoples.

Sudan’s Joint Assessment Mission

Title: Sudan’s Joint Assessment Mission

Writer: Shania Beste

 

Problem: Aid Effectiveness

There has been a rise in concern on the effectiveness of development assistance and how aid is allocated to countries in need since the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness in 2005. An issue that lies here is that the Official Development Assistance provided to countries in crisis can sometimes harm rather than help (Booth, 2012).

An Example: Sudan’s Joint Assessment Mission

The colonial and post-independence governments did not provide South Sudan with basic public institutions and the war between the two states of Sudan had destroyed what little there was. Whatever new government was to be established would need to build the public service from scratch.  As primary school enrolment was the lowest in the world, teachers were paid $92 dollars a year with only 6% of them being qualified. Health wise Sudan was not prospering as 45% of the children were malnourished with one in four children dying before the age of five.

Photo taken in Zam Zam Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) Camp in North Darfur, Sudan, in 2003.

South Sudan hardly had any links to the outside would as there was just a broken down railway from Wau to North Sudan, barges along the Nile towards the north and a broken down gravel road that travels from Nimule to Uganda and then to Mombasa (Sudan Tribune, N.D).

After 20 plus years of war between Sudan and South Sudan, the Sudan’s People’s Liberation Army and the National Congress Party came together to develop a framework for sustained peace, development and poverty eradication.  The framework, later named the Joint Assessment Mission had the goal to be a six year $16 billion-dollar program to consolidate peace and to facilitate development (Sudan Tribune, N.D).

The Joint Assessment Mission program planned to allocate $8 billion dollars towards health, education, roads etc. 23% of the total budget was to be allocated towards capacity building and institutional development, and towards governance and the rule of law (Sudan Tribune, N.D).

Sudan was expected to have substantial oil revenues, as it was estimated that aid donors would need to contribute a little bit less than half of the total. The program aimed to revamp the public service, to have rural markets in 86 counties, 30,000 primary classrooms with teachers to teach in those classrooms, 4,000 new wells and water systems to serve 3.2 million people and 2,800 new doctors and nurses (Sudan Tribune, N.D).

A 2010 evaluation reported that, “At current rates, it seems highly unlikely that the Multi-Donor Trust Fund target of 44 schools will be met. In contrast, by the end of 2009, the Basic Services Fund had succeeded in completing 34 schools.  Another 12 schools are expected to be completed by June 2010, bring the total to 46.”  They managed to reach a total of 46 schools as opposed to the promised number of 3,750 schools (Sudan Tribune, N.D).

The Joint Assessment Mission had decided to allocate $750 million for national infrastructure in South Sudan with an additional $150 million for local roads, which was part of the Roads Master Plan to be completed by the end of 2006 and implemented by 2011.  But in 2010 it was reported that, “…although one of Dr. John Garang’s priorities was the building of trunk roads, many donors preferred, initially at least, to fund more media-friendly projects.”  The Roads Master Plan was completed in 2012 instead and the only international link was the 67 kilometre tarmac between Juba and the Uganda border at Nimule (Sudan Tribune, N.D).

That same evaluation estimated that between 2005 and 2009 donors had spent nearly $3 billion dollars, which was on target for the Joint Assessment total of $4 billion dollars by 2011.  But issue behind that amount being spent is to figure out what the money actually bought (Sudan Tribune, N.D).

The Joint Assessment Mission failed for a number of reasons. It did not meet the goals that it set out to achieve, the money donated by donors could not be tracked down to see what it was actually used for and because attention was taken away from certain developmental issues in Sudan and put towards other issues (Sudan Tribune, N.D).

The Solution: Country Ownership

Photo of Paleki Ayang, Executive Director of the South Sudan Women’s Empowerment Network, addresses the Security Council open debate on “The role of women in conflict prevention and resolution in Africa”, 28 March 2016

Country ownership is the full and effective participation of a country’s population through legislative bodies, civil society, both the private and local sectors, and regional and national government, in conceptualizing, implementing, monitoring and evaluating development policies, programs and processes. What country ownership aims to do is to have an effective use of development assistance which results in communities experiencing change that they believe is good, that they have a voice and are committed to sustainability.  Country ownership works in the way that at the simplest level at the heart of it there is the participation of both citizens and the government in development efforts, which allows for better targeting of resources, strengthened accountability among various stakeholders and finally increased sustainability and success. Empowering and supporting effective states and their citizens to take responsibility for their own developing, using local systems and local resources to help countries become less dependent on other countries is a key factor to “smart development” (InterAction, 2013).

The CMIC: Aid Effectiveness and Country Ownership

The Community Mobilization in Crisis Project lends a few elements from the concept of country ownership, where it seeks to have the citizens of countries in crisis to take responsibility for developing, use of local systems and local resources to help countries in crisis to become less dependent on external help for development.  As well, when it comes to aid effectiveness, aid programs must decide on how they choose to provide aid, whether it be by doing all the work for those in need or by teaching them how to sustain themselves.  The Community Mobilization in Crisis aims to further mobilizers’ skills in mobilization and group abilities.  Another main goal of the Community Mobilization in Crisis Project is to deliver community interventions by providing training in the skills and tools that help communities to identify their own needs and priorities, to use available resources and to become agents of their own community-based solutions.

References

Booth, David. (2012) Aid effectiveness: bringing country ownership (and politics)

back in, Conflict, Security & Development, 12:5, 537-558

How to Fail Failed States: A Sudan Study in Getting it Wrong – Twice. (n.d.). Retrieved July 30,

2017, from http://www.sudantribune.com/

Policy Brief [PDF]. (2013, January). InterAction: A United Voice for Global Change.  Retrieved

August 21, 2017, from

https://www.interaction.org/files/FABB%202013_Sec06_PolicyBrief_CountryOwnership.pdf

Policy Brief [PDF]. (2013, January). InterAction: A United Voice for Global Change.  Retrieved

August 21, 2017, from

https://www.interaction.org/files/FABB%202013_Sec06_PolicyBrief_CountryOwnership.pdf

The Dynamic of Trust in Refugee-Host Relations

By: Allison McDonald

16 November 2017

Professor Christopher Kyriakides’ Webinar, “The Dynamic of Trust in Refugee-Host Relations”

Held on Saturday 28 October 2017, 10:00-11:00am

I have had a really keen interest in Canada’s asylum-claim determination process and refugee integration since I worked for the Immigration and Refugee Board for a co-op work term. Professor Christopher Kyriakides, Canada Research Chair and Executive Committee Member at the Centre for Refugee Studies at York University held a lecture, “The Dynamic of Trust in Refugee-Host Relations”, hosted by Al-Qazzaz Foundation for Education and Development, which naturally grabbed my attention right away. This was the kind of firsthand information from an expert that I have yearned for to further develop my ideas and broaden my knowledge about Canada’s refugee affairs.

Professor Kyriakides talked about refugee-host relations in the sphere of the Canadian Private Sponsorship of Refugees Program. Some of the key themes he talked about were what he calls ‘existential transactions of worth’, ‘resettlement knowledge assets’, and the role of ‘trust formation’ in determining ‘resettlement success’. I want to talk about these themes as they made sense to me and ultimately highlight the importance of recognizing people who have been given refugee status as ‘persons of self-rescue’ and persons with past, present and future narratives that extend beyond the confines of ‘refugee’.

People that seek asylum and receive refugee status identify as ‘persons of self-rescue’. Being a refugee, to them, is in defiance of conflict, of having their humanity taken away, and of being subject to human rights abuses. However, a refugee is also a label that can take away individual personhood and follow a media-defined narrative extremely limiting to the realization of ‘existential transactions of worth’. Professor Kyriakides gives this quote, spoken by a person with refugee status: “I try to think like a refugee but I don’t know how.” Let’s break this down. Someone who is granted eligibility for refuge is a person who had a life prior to conflict with a desire to move their personhood beyond a label, beyond a definition, and beyond a certain narrative. All of those who have refugee status are people with authority, autonomy, and eligibility. Their self-determination must have full recognition. When this understanding of a refugee is fully realized by the host, ‘existential transactions of worth’ can be realized.

Photo taken in 1978, in a refugee camp on Koh Paed, Thailand. Coping with Disaster: Vietnamese Refugees in Thailand

Recognition is central in the ‘trust formation’ of the refugee-host relationship. Sponsors need to be able to establish an identity as the ‘we of trusted contact’. This means recognizing a person with refugee status as a person with past, present and future beyond ‘refugee’. If a sponsor can recognize a refugee as a person of self-rescue and as a person with deliberative authority, the sponsor thus acknowledges their worth and self-determination. This is the best way to establish trust.

Social media is an incredible tool in ‘trust formation’.  The refugee-host relationship can start before personal contact is made. Sponsors can put into practice ‘existential transactions of worth’ by establishing virtual contact and asking the refugee or refugee family their preferences for a multitude of elements (apartment, furniture, food, other amenities) that will create and shape their life in Canada. According to Professor Kyriakides, sponsors who were able to better establish trusted contact saw more success in resettlement. Hosts must recognize the autonomy of those receiving sponsorship and establish trust and contact through ‘existential transactions of worth.’ The life of a human being does not begin with refuge and, thus, their lives should not be defined by a policy, definition or single narrative.

Note: all phrases and terms in quotations are direct quotations from Dr. Kyriakides and *are used with his permission*.

L’encampement des réfugiés syriens au Moyen-Orient 

Titre : Conférence du 19 octobre 2017 intitulée « L’encampement des réfugiés syriens au Moyen-Orient » présenté par M. Mustafa El Miri

Auteur: Sophie Dahdouh

 

Dans cette conférence, M. El Miri a présenté des réflexions sur les catégories et la généalogie des migrations au Moyen-Orient. Comme il le stipule, le problème des réfugiés à l’échelle internationale préoccupe la « classe politique » européenne depuis un certain temps. Si la persécution de la population syrienne par le régime bassiste dirigé par le président Bachar El Assad engendra une condamnation internationale intense, malgré les interventions américaine et européenne dans cette guerre civile, notamment par la fourniture d’armes et l’incitation des Syriens à se rebeller contre le régime syrien, cela n’a pas suscité ou provoqué une ouverture des frontières considérable, telle que décrite de manière exagérée par les médias, aux réfugiés syriens.

Les pays « occidentaux » refusent ces derniers au moyen des activités sémantiques qu’ils entreprennent. Il y a cette idée d’ « indésirables » qui surgit implicitement ou explicitement dans les débats publics. Pensons à la notion de « crise de migrants » (et non pas de réfugiés) qui est une manière détournée, comme le souligne M. El Miri, de ne pas reconnaître le droit international. L’unité européenne se construit, d’après lui, par l’exclusion de ces derniers dont l’arrivée soulève la question de « remplacement » des sociétés d’accueil et celle de la souveraineté des États perçue comme étant menacée. L’idée de « dangerosité construite », la crainte que les terroristes soient infiltrés parmi les réfugiés syriens, devient ainsi centrale dans les débats.

Comme le stipule M. El Miri, ces derniers se sont principalement dirigés vers des zones du Moyen-Orient telles que la Turquie, la Jordanie et le Liban, leur arrivée « massive » en Europe étant en fin de compte un « mythe » dans les faits. Toutefois, la fermeture des frontières de ces pays se produit en raison de la pression démographique et la crainte de l’importation du conflit, ce qui ne freine pas pour autant l’industrie du passage illégal.

 

A view of the Zaatari Refugee Camp in Jordan, where nearly 80,000 Syrian refugees are living, 27 March 2017, by United Nations

On assiste alors à « l’encampement » des réfugiés dans des déserts tels qu’en Jordanie ou dans des endroits isolés à la marge de la société d’accueil, ce qui les pousse à une instabilité permanente. Non seulement les politiques de logement sont inexistantes mais, de plus, ils n’ont souvent pas le droit de travailler sur place, une situation qui augmente leur vulnérabilité et leur dépendance envers l’agence du Haut Commissaire des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) qui soutient des conceptions des politiques sociales défendant le principe du « traitement individualisé ». Le déclassement économique de ces derniers s’en suit donc, les réfugiés syriens étant confrontés à la baisse de la rémunération due à leur arrivée massive. Or, malgré le fait que leur figure ou leur image est associée à la marginalité et à la délinquance, ils tentent de renverser les préjugés et les stigmates à leur endroit en s’insérant sur le marché du travail pour se construire socialement et ne plus dépendre de l’aide internationale, la route migratoire clandestine vers l’Europe n’étant pas leur choix premier.

Enfin, ce dont nous rappelle M. El Miri est que la crise syrienne n’est point une crise interne mais une crise internationale, une « crise mondialisée » comme il le stipule. L’accueil des réfugiés est avant tout un « problème social ». La dimension « nationale » de cette notion de « capacité d’accueil », souvent invoquée par les démocraties occidentales, est bien politique, l’ouverture politique de ces pays étant ce qui pose réellement problème et explique la non application du statut de « réfugiés » pour les Syriens en accentuant leur vulnérabilité.

 

How welcome are refugees in Spain?

Title: How welcome are refugees in Spain?

Author: Madeline Sykes

 

Photo taken by Madeline Sykes. Madrid’s city hall, Palacio de Cibeles, still displaying the Refugees Welcome sign in March 2017.

When it appeared on the façade of Madrid’s Palacio de Cibeles in September 2015, the now-famous Refugees Welcome sign was a bold statement. Its authors, the left-wing municipal party Ahora Madrid,[1] knew that the sentiments behind the phrase were shared by many residents calling the city council to offer aid to asylum seekers in the city. It was, however, an optimistic statement –based on the lack of political action following it, some might even call it an empty promise.

Shortly after the sign went up, Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy bowed to domestic and international pressure, announcing that Spain would participate in the EU’s new quota system for refugee redistribution. Under it, Spain would take in 15 888 refugees from Greece and Italy and 1449 from states bordering Syria by 2017. Six months after the introduction of the quota system, only 18 had arrived in Spain. [2]  By September 7, 2017, that number had risen to only 1980.[3] If the welcome mat has already been rolled out, why has the Spanish government been so slow to open the door?

The answer is complex, but two factors appear to be key in explaining the sluggish pace of refugee resettlement. The first is the absence of a government for most of 2016. Following the inconclusive results of the 2015 general election, no party was able to secure the majority of support needed to form the government. As a result, Spain was kept under the watch of a caretaker government through 10 months of interparty negotiations and a second, also inconclusive, election. Ultimately, Rajoy managed to get the votes needed to secure his investiture as Prime Minister in October 2016.[4] The second, more worrisome factor is the lack of political will on the part of the central government. Many in Rajoy’s cabinet consider Spain’s most pressing –and only – concern to be the country’s deficit levels well in excess of the EU’s targets and its 17.1% unemployment rate as of July 2017.[5] In their minds, the state simply cannot afford to take on so many refugees. Of course, Spain has also not been immune to the fearmongering that has affected much of Europe; the Sectorial Undersecretary of Rajoy’s Partido Popular, Javier Maroto, said in an interview in 2015 that, “. . . [A]mong the Syrians who enter there are many jihadists. They are people who one day put a bomb in any of our cities . . .”.[6] Regardless of whether the government has been unable, unwilling, or simply afraid to act, they are unlikely to make their quotas all the same.

 

Photo taken by Madeline Sykes. Scenes from an #InauguramosUnaCiudad protest in Plaza de Cibeles, Madrid

In spite of bureaucratic inertia, many in Spain are mobilizing to do what they can to help refugees. Several grassroots organizations have formed in Spain in response to the refugee crisis, including Madrid for Refugees, a charity formed largely by expatriates eager to help the asylum seekers in their adopted country. Their volunteers act as a support network for refugees, helping them to secure housing and jobs as well as holding drives to collect such essentials as clothing and household supplies for them.[7] Some of the fundraisers they hold allow the refugees they help to promote their skill set; a migrant from the Gambia identified only as G.B. gives boxing lessons in the Parque del Buen Retiro.[8] A Syrian named Khaled and other “chefugees” cook dishes from their homelands at fundraising banquets held in local restaurants.[9] They also maintain an informational campaign about the plight of Europe’s asylum seekers both over social media and through events like the “Stepping Stones” exhibition displaying photos of the migrant influx in Lesbos.[10] Through such activities, Madrid for Refugees hopes not only to raise funds for its own activities but to inform and mobilize others on these issues.

Photo taken by Madeline Sykes

Apparently, such campaigns are having some success. Several protests have taken place in the streets of Spain’s major cities calling for local and regional governments, in addition to the central government, to live up to Spain’s commitments under the quota system.  Among them was the #InauguramosUnaCiudad (We inaugurate a city) campaign by Amnesty International. Taking place on March 4, 2017, the initiative saw simultaneous demonstrations in cities across the country in which participants rallied around the phrase “Yo acojo” (I welcome).[11] The demonstrations may not have pushed the central government into action, but they did result in 68 municipal governments creating 2741 new spaces in refugee reception centres. In spite of the economic and political grievances that strain and divide the electorate, a large portion of the Spanish population is willing to welcome refugees into their communities and will likely continue to demand that their government make good on the claim still emblazoned on Palacio de Cibeles.

[1] https://elpais.com/elpais/2015/09/08/inenglish/1441698721_057242.html

[2] https://politica.elpais.com/politica/2016/04/05/actualidad/1459880210_430218.html

[3] https://www.es.amnesty.org/en-que-estamos/campanas/yoacojo/?L=%2525252525252525252525252525252525252525252525252Fetc%2525252525252525252525252525252525252525252525252Fpasswd

[4] https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/oct/28/spain-to-get-government-after-10-month-political-impasse-mariano-rajoy

[5] http://appsso.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/nui/show.do?dataset=une_rt_m&lang=en

[6] http://www.elmundo.es/espana/2015/09/11/55f2afa0e2704e85618b4583.html

[7] http://madridforrefugees.org/en/the-organisation/

[8] http://www.elmundo.es/madrid/2016/10/16/57fd1d03ca474100598b45a4.html

[9] http://www.lasprovincias.es/sociedad/201611/24/fogones-fronteras-20161124004839-v.html

[10] https://medium.com/@Madrid4Refugees/stepping-stones-photo-exhibition-brings-lesbos-to-madrid-ab14d2c40d44

[11] https://www.es.amnesty.org/en-que-estamos/campanas/yoacojo/?L=%2525252525252525252525252525252525252525252525252Fetc%2525252525252525252525252525252525252525252525252Fpasswd

Peacebuilding, Justice, and Security: Taking Stock of the Past 25 Years

Title: Peacebuilding, Justice, and Security: Taking Stock of the Past 25 Years

Writer: Norma Roumie

 

Photo taken by Norma Roumie on March 1st 2018

The Conflict Research Center of Saint Paul University and the Peace and Conflict Studies Association of Canada hosted a conference on peacebuilding – taking stock of the past 25 years. The panels brought together top experts in the field to discuss the interlinking aspects of memory and justice issues; power struggles and cooperation between locals and international actors; as well as security sector reform and state-building. The panelists identified best practices in these critical areas and left the audience with many thought-provoking questions on the future of peacebuilding.

Professor Neil Sargent, John Packer, and Philippe Dufort discussed the need for national dialogue and the importance of memory, as well as the intersection between justice issues and conflict resolution as indicative of the relationship between peace and justice. The notion of national dialogue is a new mechanism in the toolbox for international actors, and it is instrumental for the creation of a visioning process that incorporates diversity and overcomes the ‘us versus them’ dichotomy that is highly politicized in post-conflict settings. A national dialogue is a series of structured and political space that allows the recognition and exchange of different voices and does not necessarily have to lead to decision making. This has proved instrumental when it has occurred in both Yemen and Colombia. Part of this process of reconciliation is moving from the politics of violence to the politics of dialogue; identifying the moral and critical claims arising from the past and how we can solve them for the future. Judicial mechanisms are necessary for rewriting a moral balance and addressing past war crimes and reparation claims. When this is ignored, it undermines the future regime and the indispensable reconciliation efforts. Despite the importance of this, there is an inclination towards the politics of forgetting, in which many countries have instituted a very intentional model of legislated amnesty from past crimes to prevent the past from disrupting the future. The practical reality though is that negative peace proceeds positive peace because it is tough to build a society when there is violence. On the other hand, sustainable peace requires society to be able to manage conflict that’s naturally occurring – through arrangements, constitutions, and judicial mechanisms.

Andy Tamas and Ruby Dagher discussed the importance of examining local dynamics and engaging locals in the process of peacebuilding. Andy Tamas’s presentation on local management and regulation surrounding water and irrigation systems in Afghanistan illustrated the value of examining traditional systems. When conflict emerged between upstream and downstream farms in a rural area in Afghanistan, communities worked on an equitable way of managing the water and irrigation systems. A dialogue between communities led to the election of mediators, who would become known as Mirabs, elected to operate the water systems, without state interference. In its development efforts, donors like the USAID attempted to change this and put in a sophisticated western irrigation system that failed and would later be recognized as undoing an advanced traditional system. The USAID overlooked the fact that provincial councils conducted 80% of conflict resolution and that the Mirabs system was a completely decentralized and efficient traditional system. Exporting western structures to these societies does not always work, and it ignores local dynamics and the value of local knowledge. Instead, the challenge is to look at the context and engage the locals in understanding the benefits of the traditional system to reform them into better performing hybrid traditional-modern systems.

The importance of examining local dynamics was also reiterated through Ruby Dagher’s presentation in which she discussed the role that perceptions play in how citizens assign process and performance legitimacy to either their leaders or the state and the implications this has on post-conflict institution building. In many cases of conflict, where the state is absent or weakened, leaders take care of the population and capture legitimacy. This, in turn, leads to states emerging out of conflict with low-performance legitimacy. Case studies of Lebanon, Senegal, and Sudan reveal that performance legitimacy is more valuable than process legitimacy. A significant challenge for post-conflict states is building state capacity to provide for their citizens, which is essential for linking performance legitimacy to the state.

Gaelle Rivard Piche and Professor Stephen Baranyi discussed security provisions as a necessary pre-condition for the implementation of peacebuilding programs. They bring attention to the fact that security sector reforms are a top priority for external actors but that in many cases they have ignored context and have led to a vicious cycle of violence. Host governments and international actors must work together on security sector reforms and not dismiss local actors and their realities. El-Salvador, and Haiti were referenced throughout the discussion, both of which showcase complicated cases where it has been difficult to consolidate security and peace. In El Salvador 80% of security sector reform investment goes to law enforcement and ignores other areas. However, for there to be progress there must be more investments into social and economic development, because no amount of policing and law enforcement training will lead to sustainable security. Where state institutions are usually weak, and civil society is marginalized, these issues are amplified. Although, there is a move away from large military stabilization missions to civilian-led justice missions today, where donor security interests take precedence, where state institutions are usually weak, and civil society is marginalized these issues are amplified.

Despite a mixed record of peacebuilding, discussions such as this, between practitioners and academics are essential for taking stock of lessons, challenges, and opportunities that will continue to mark the next 25 years. Locals are at the heart of what peacebuilding is meant to do, in the end, security and peace are not possible without the main beneficiaries taking the lead role while western development actors facilitate and provide expertise. The lessons of the past have taught us that peacebuilding should focus more on local dynamics, social and economic development, state capacity, national dialogue and reconciliation efforts.  Complex intra-state conflicts, the emergence of different development actors, and the increased inclusion of local actors in peacebuilding brings a set of challenges and opportunities. So, what does this mean for the future of peacebuilding? Peacebuilding is one of the central innovations in conflict resolution, and professor Vern Neufeld Redekop’s presentation on integrative peacebuilding captures the need to develop heuristic skills to deal with complex and multiple challenges. This means taking the best of approaches that can then be integrated into one.

Kaandossiwin: How We Come To Know

Book Title: Kaandossiwin: How We Come To Know

Author: Kathleen E. Absolon

Review by: Athavarn Srikantharajah 

Disclaimer

This document was produced by a non-white settler on Turtle Island. CMIC operates on stolen unceded Algonquin Territory, and attempts to be cognisant of the role of colonization in this work. I would like to make clear that I am a first-generation Tamil person on this land, whose family was forced here from Sri Lanka because of forms of colonization that affected my people, but through a refugee program established through colonial laws and governance. I have only received formalized education through colonial institutions. These experiences shape my worldview, and how I interpret Indigenous ways of knowing.

Introduction

Cover page of the book Kaandossiwin: How we Come to Know, by Kathleen E.Absolon

This document serves as a summary of Kathleen E. Absolon’s Kaandossiwin: How We Come to Know, and the key teachings that may help folks involved with CMIC or taking the certification program. With Western scientific methodologies dominating academia and many other spaces, it is important to consider other pathways to knowledge and understanding when administering a certification program for community mobilization. One such pathway is through Indigenous pedagogical approaches. Though it is difficult for non-indigenous, specifically non-Annishanaabe folks to adopt these approaches in research, there are key learnings that can guide the way in which we conduct research from the context of our worldviews and perspectives. Absolon’s book is an examination of Indigenous methodologies told through her specific Anishanaabe worldview. This book explores broader ways of knowing by exploring 11 graduate theses by Indigenous scholars. Absolon explores the petal flower as a metaphor for how we acquire knowledge.

Positionality

Indigenous methodology centres the knowledge found from within. We must acknowledge that how we come to know is living and fluid, and that these processes include the spirit, the heart, and the mind. Before beginning the search for knowledge, one must consider the spiritual, cultural, political, and social effects that are present within their life and worldview.

According to Lester Rigney, an Indigenous Australian Scholar (1999), “[lived experiences] speak on the basis of these experiences and are powerful instruments by which to measure the equality and social justice of society.” With this in mind, Absolon discusses repeatedly throughout the text that it is important to acknowledge that within Indigenous epistemologies, one does not attempt to interpret lived experiences through another’s worldview. Absolon frequently cites the phrase “you don’t know what you don’t know.”

Decolonizing and Indigenizing (Re)Search

In the book, Absolon recognizes that colonized knowledge is meant to dominate, within it ignorance prevails, and that through it colonization and superiority are internalized. Thus, decolonization and Indigenizing is “about both knowing, and having critical consciousness about our cultural history.”

Approaches

Within this framework of (re)search, the following must be taken into consideration:

  • Community: community should be respected, and each community’s ownership of the research is honoured.
  • Respect: Absolon warns to avoid voyeurism, outsider interpretation, objectification of culture, and reductionist analysis. “Within Aboriginal culture, one does not inquire or tell about matters that do not directly concern one.”
  • Take accountability: claim and openly state who you are before you begin your search for knowledge.
  • Non-neutrality: understand that our voices are not neutral. How we come to know is linked to our historical, political, legal, economic, geographical, cultural, spiritual, environmental, and experiential contexts.
  • Knowledge is relational: knowledge is derived through our mind, body, and spirit, in connection with all of Creation.
  • Solution-focused: Absolon states that “the seeking of knowledge has been solution focused and often has an underlying purpose of survival.”
  • Unstructured: within Indigenous epistemologies there are no prescriptions or formulas, models are always multi-dimensional, layered, and wholistic.

The Petal Flower Model

In the book, Absolon uses the Petal Flower as a model for how we come to know. This for several reasons. First, the flower’s survival is dependant on several internal and external factors. The components of the flower are interrelated and interdependent. Furthermore, it is earth centred and exists within a relationship with all of Creation. The flower is also cyclical, as it changes constantly. Finally, it has a spirit and life that is impacted by the environment within which it exists. The following are taken from Absolon’s summary of the model.

Indigenous Flowers of the Hawaiian Islands by Mrs. Frances Sinclair, Plate 17 (Argemone glauca), 1885. Image produced in the context of colonial dominance in Hawaii.

Roots

  • The roots are the grounding for Indigenous methods.
  • The life and presence of the flower depends on its roots.
  • Prioritize Indigenous knowledge, worldviews and principles in the research.
  • Position Indigenous ways at the centre and refuse to see them in relation to western/dominant ways of knowing.

Flower Centre: Self

  • The centre of the flower represents self and self in relation to the re-search.
  • Place yourself at the central presence in the research.
  • Know your location: who you are, what you know and where you are from.
  • Commit to re-searching relationships, Indigenous peoples and communities.
  • Dedicate to recovering humanity and rehumanizing knowledge production.
  • Remember you motives and re-member your relations.

Leaves: The Journey

  • The leaves enable the photosynthesis of knowledge: transformative journeys.
  • The leaves embody the journey of the self through the research process.
  • Embark on processes and travel on search journeys that are emergent, transformative, learning and healing.
  • Attune to process.

Stem: Critical Consciousness and Supports.

  • The stem represents the methodological backbone and connecter between all parts of the whole.
  • Have a strong backbone: a confrontation of colonial history with socio-political honesty.
  • Integrate Indigenous knowledge and decolonizing ideologies, thoughts, feelings, frameworks, and models of practice.
  • Acknowledge the supports of ancestors, family, community, Elders, and Creation.
  • Capitalize on our strengths and supports throughout.

Petals: Diversity in Methods

  • The petals represent the diversity of Indigenous re-search methodologies.
  • Accept diverse, eclectic and varied Indigenous approaches as essential and useful for Indigenous scholars’ research.
  • Use a wholistic and cyclical approach that attends to Spirit, heart, mind and body.
  • Use methods that are culturally relative and rooted in doing and being. Methodologies rooted in oral traditions involve ceremony, song, stories, teaching and knowledge that are creative, diverse, visual, oral, experiential, and sensory based.

Environmental Contexts

  • The environmental context of the petal flower influences the life of Indigenous methodologies in the academy and affects Indigenous re-searchers who are trying to advance their theories and methods.
  • Make strategic decisions related to coping with obstacles and gatekeepers, the committee and writing oral traditions.
  • Negotiate and deal with the clash of academic and Indigenous theories, methods, and expectations to create change.

Conclusion

As a student of social sciences at the University of Ottawa, and having only ever learned to learn through colonial methodologies, Kaandossowin: How We Come to Know has been a revolutionary process of dismembering a poisonous attempt to re-member my body, mind, and spirit into a way of knowing that is relational. I was able to apply to some of the core principles in an anti-colonial context as well as broader Tamil/Desi ways of knowing. As Absolon states in her book, the active process of her writing this book on Indigenous methodologies is in and of itself apart of the process of decolonization and an act of defiance against colonial education.

Kathleen E. Abolon (Minogiizhigokwe). (2011). Kaandossiwin: How We Come to Know.

Halifax, NS: Fernwood Publishing.

 To maintain personal accountability, please feel free to reach out to me at s.athavarn@gmail.com to discuss my summary of the text further.

 

Traditional Foreign Aid

Title: Traditional Foreign Aid

Writer: Sebastian Tansil

 

Aid usually comes in the form of Official Development Assistance (ODA) which is defined as “flows of financing administered with the promotion of the economic development and welfare of development countries as the main objective and which are concessional in character with a grant element of at least 25 percent.” (OECD 2003)

ODA has been criticized for a variety of reasons. Some of them include: the potential mal-intent of traditional donor countries who inscribe their foreign aid within a broader foreign policy agenda based  more on their national self-interest rather than on the genuine welfare of recipient countries, the risk of the aid being “captured” by corrupt bureaucracy instead of it actually going to the poorest, the “waste of aid” because of a lack of institutional capacity in distributing the money to the poor, and maybe sometimes the burdensome series of conditions attached to aid by Northern countries which are bureaucratically challenging alongside it being ideologically imposing to reflect more the neoliberal market-based political economies of Northern donors.

This “top-down” approach to foreign aid has been criticized for its lack of equal “partnership” between donors and recipient states, leading to a lack of effectiveness in policy coherence between the aid and non-aid policies of donor countries in actually bringing about long-term development. This stubborn power relationship between donor and recipient countries has made it difficult for developing countries to achieve genuine “country ownership” – the ability of recipient states to effectively take ownership over its own long-term development needs and processes (Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness 2005). The necessity of country ownership is important for truly effective aid and long-term development. This requires recipient states to have the needed capacity in its institutions and governance to manage the humanitarian, capital investing, development needs of its own country.

Deputy Secretary-General Amina Mohammed addresses a discussion on the Sustainable Development Goals, entitled, “SDGs in Action: Country-led, Country-owned”. 21 September 2017, United Nations, New York

Unfortunately, the principle of country ownership is very hard to achieve in crisis zones where “fragile states” do not have the institutional or governance capacities to steer their own policies and implement/apply mechanisms of foreign aid onto their local populace. In crisis zones, foreign aid becomes difficult to manage by the recipient state and harder to manage in assuring it trickles down from state bureaucracy and into the most poor and marginalized individuals and communities of society.

The Fragile States Principles (2007) drafted by the DAC Fragile States Group gave a nuanced analysis on states with limited institutional capacity – evaluating the “deterioration of state-society relations, at the exclusion of constituencies such as women, the poor and ethnic minorities.” Northern donors in response have sought to assure more “effective” management of its own aid to recipient societies by “bypassing the state” altogether through non-governmental channels where arguably “compliant” NGOs faithfully execute the services and aid in a manner which reflects Northern interests. This bypassing of the recipient states arguably further exacerbates the capacity of states in crisis situations to build its own governance capacities.

Knowledge Sharing, Discourse Change and Empowering Social Change Leaders

Phronesis is “the practical wisdom born of an intimate familiarity with a practice that could help people act effectively in particular situations”. (Schram 2013, pg. 369) This technique “features a problem-driven approach that mixes methods to address issues of power involved in specific public problems people are struggling to address” (Schram 2013, pg. 360), and aims to identify tension points within social and political relations that admit of possibilities for change (Schram 2013, pg. 371). Phronesis seeks to directly meet the needs of communities and “prioritizes working alongside marginalized and ordinary people and communities to build knowledge, working from the assumption that “ordinary people, provided with tools and opportunities, are capable of critical reflection and analysis” (Maguire 2014, pg. 421).

Although the development community has a lot of expertise and wisdom on advancing social change, that knowledge often resides in silos, either locked in individual heads or buried within organizations. This limited access to learning, insights, evidence and best practices constrains what a lot of local actors can achieve–both individually and collectively as a community sector seeking to create impact and bring about change.

I’ve found while researching for CMIC that there is a large wealth of organizations which tackle this exact development need/area. A lot of grassroots knowledge sharing organizations have the objective of surfacing these ideas, experiences and practices, so that they can be equipped to tackle the real-world reality of social change and community development. As a grassroots organization, they have the unique ability in highlighting voices on various relevant issues facing all kinds of local leaders.  In other words, there is a substantial portion of independent grassroots knowledge-sharing organizations which seek to bring about best practices in community development and social change tailored to empower social change local actors in their particular context.

One such example is the India’s Development Review (IDR). The IDR is “India’s first independent online media platform for leaders in the development community. [Their] mission is to advance knowledge on social impact in India by publishing ideas, opinion, analysis and lessons from real-world practice. [Their] job is to make things simple and relevant so [Indian community development leaders] can do more of what they do, better.” (idronline.org/about/#idr)

Their founding team is composed of four women who have a combined experience of more than 50 years in nonprofit, private sector, CSR, consulting and journalism. They bring to light narratives of social exclusion and marginalization in different aid programs, provide practical tips and share experiences on how various nonprofits and companies can partner with the government from the grassroots level to achieve sustainable development goals and long term social change.

Their articles and content have assisted many local Indian community leaders running nonprofits, CSR, and consulting firms in mobilizing local actors to participatory social change. Their content has also affected mainstream western academia as their articles are featured in The Economist, Stanford Social Innovation Review, Times of India, The Economic Times, Mint, the Guardian and Next Billion, among other publications.

Similarly, the Community Development Resource Association (CDRA) “is a non-governmental African organizational advancing conscious and continuous learning about development processes and art of intervention. They do this through organizational interventions, training, accompanied learning and collaborative explorations. Out of active reflection on different experiences, and through writing and disseminating, they share insights and lessons gained, seeking to impact on wider development thinking and processes. They strive to bring to birth new consciousness, creativity and strength in those with whom they work (on the grassroots), thus facilitating a more collective development” (http://www.cdra.org.za/).

With founding members with different professional experience and from different parts of Africa, the CDRA researches extensive policy analyses on sustainable development strategies alongside planning, monitoring and reporting mechanisms for various community development actors. It provides training material for change agents to be equipped with policy and reporting tools from the various articles and tutorials they provide. It wouldn’t be until 2007 when the Barefoot Guide launched an alliance among the major knowledge sharing grassroots development policy organization.

Barefoot guide, originally stemming from CDRA, would amalgamate the wider community of community development practitioners to bring about extremely accessible resources for social change actors. They publish Barefoot Guides through collaborative Writeshops focusing on different spheres of social change practice with the participation of over 240 practitioners from all continents. Each Barefoot Guide describes on the ground experiences, deep analyses and helpful frameworks, written in straightforward language and artistically illustrated with images and poetry. For them, “accessible practice description is key to enabling the full and joint participation of a wider variety of stakeholders, particularly to include leaders at local or community level in practice dialogue with government officials, donors and NGO practitioners. Academic texts, while helpful for some, often serve to exclude and undermine the participation of community stakeholders in their own processes of change” (http://www.barefootguide.org/).

If we take a constructivist/de-constructivist lens, emphasis is placed on the expression of pervading ideas and norms which focus on aid practices as discourse and ways of exerting power. The aid industry continues to struggle with the question of how research influences policymaking, while it is equally possible that policy influences research, particularly when much of the development research is traditionally directly funded by the Northern aid industry itself.

“For many European countries the aid industry had its origins in the colonial period, and early development projects were set up by colonial administrations. Academic research informed the colonial administration and western anthropologists were the ones who educated administrations about local populations.” (Haan 2009, pg. 65)

Photo taken in Jan 2007, In Ramallah/Al-bireh, on the main street heading to Jerusalem/Qalandia Checkpoint of a poster on advertisement space, printed as an advertisement for the USAID

Thus, it is interesting to see how research and articles from non-Western sources originating from grassroots offers a form of “resistance” to traditionally dominant Western conceptions of aid and effective development (who have also dominated the discourse and terminology of the aid regime). Knowledge sharing grassroots community development organizations have the potential of decolonizing knowledge practices and subverting the hierarchies of global power that are at work in how research is structured.

Scholars have emphasized the importance of developing and articulating new ontologies and epistemologies that better reflect non-western viewpoints. The global political economy of scholarly knowledge demands that work be produced in English for an audience in the Global North (Hanafi 2011), just as the global aid system demands that NGOs and groups working for change in the Global South spend a disproportionate amount of their time translating their work into English, and into frameworks most relevant to their Northern funders, in order to continue to exist.

Organizations like CDRA, Barefoot and IDR contribute to a growing resistant literature who seek to publish research and resources grounded in the experiences of conflict and displacement, supporting local community development actors with the grassroots connected work they are already doing. They provide new narratives and discourse of engagement that arguably “reflects the reality of the ground as barefoot as possible” (http://www.barefootguide.org/). This counter-narrative can change the way aid is structured and the way aid is perceived by DAC countries that have a narrow-minded view of how they want to administer ODA. This narrow-minded view suits the “West knows Best” dogma that has generated multiple criticisms from the development community and grassroots actors who are radically more connected with the needs of the recipient state and local community.

In other words, Foreign aid doesn’t simply need to look like the form of giving financial transfers but can also be knowledge and information sharing to local grassroots actors to do their own unique development work. This allows them to be locally rooted and internationally connected, providing them with the tools to address more “endogenous” issues of under-development. These tools will help community development actors be leaders. Leadership is approached not as a position, but as a practice, helping the local community accept responsibility for enabling others to achieve solutions under conditions of uncertainty. This sort of practice is a way of allowing more people to join in the work and to take part with their own creative ideas, identities and aesthetics.

A portion of traditional ODA could be used to support these endogenous locally rooted research knowledge-sharing initiatives and scholarship money could be re-directed from Western pre-colonial aid institutions to partnered universities in recipient states. This allows for a change in culture from the bottom-up regarding ownership, equipping local actors to take their own initiative in bringing about social change and advocating as well for their own long-term development needs. It is recognizable, however, that those Western research institutions in recipient states will continue to advocate for their own self-generated material. Higher education institutions and universities in DAC countries can counter this work by leveraging the work and research of grassroots communities, giving it credence and value. A bottom-up change in Western academia from Western-centric models of community development (which has exclusively focused for instance on North American impoverished communities) to the work of local community development actors in these crisis zones could change the culture in how aid is perceived and understood.

It is good to see that many news article agencies (The Economist, Globe and Mail, etc.) and universities like Harvard, University of Toronto and University of Ottawa have started the work of bringing about that perspective change. As community-based approaches become useful to how the international community responds during crises, the scholarly community is coming to realize that we lack the research to understand how these factors matter to organizing and mobilization processes. The North needs to have a clearer comprehensive understanding of how community mobilization can be a key element in bottom-up development which can work in tandem with top-down approaches of the recipient state to achieve overall country ownership.

 

How Laurentian’s School of Indigenous Social Work Reimagined Distance Education to Reach Students in Remote Communities

Author: Hermona Kuluberhan

Outside of the Indigenous Sharing and Learning Centre at the Sacred Fire pit –  picture taken of the Helping Relationship Class – (Basic Intervention Skills)

The ultimate purpose of a distance education program is to make education accessible to those who cannot be physically present on campus. Whether or not an individual receive an education, as well as the quality of education they receive should not be defined by something as arbitrary as geography. Yet even within these models of education, students are in danger of losing out on something equally as important as the education itself: face-to-face interaction with their instructor. This was the dilemma faced by Arlene Johnson and the team at Laurentian University of Indigenous Social Work – how can students in remote locations be provided with the same quality of education as their counterparts on campus, despite the existing geographic barriers?

The School was already operating a distance education program that met the needs of the majority of the enrolled students, however these students were still missing out on the benefits of having a professor physically present in the classroom. The answer to this dilemma? Another question: why not physically bring the course content to the students instead? Students might not be able to come to campus but there is nothing preventing professors from going to their students. Starting from this idea, the School of Indigenous Social Work embarked on a partnership with the community where they sent a professor to Kenora, Ontario to teach the core courses of the Bachelor of Indigenous Social Work program.

The program brought a live professor to students who were unable to be physically present at the Sudbury campus. Johnson’s role within the project was to act as the Partnership Coordinator for the program as well as a point of access entry for students studying within the School partnership agreement with the Seven Generations Education Institute (SGEI). Within this partnership, SGEI provided the School’s faculty member with the space and administrative support needed to teach and support the students enrolled in the program. It was this partnership between SGEI and Laurentian University that piqued the interest of Professor Emily Wills of the University of Ottawa’s Political Studies department. Wills invited Johnson and the executive director of SGEI Bill Perrault to come to CMIC’s conference. At the conference, Johnson and Perrault shared how the School of Indigenous Relations (SIR) collaborated with SGEI to bring education to students in rural and remote communities.

“Students who may struggle with mainstream service system interface or other problems preventing them from utilizing other university systems provided to the greater university community,” Johnson says are the program’s target population. “Having the program with a person there is much less intimidating, and for those who may be first generation university or higher education students, this is huge,” she continues. “A person to talk to versus over the internet: face to face.”

What can community mobilization initiatives accomplish that other more official channels of political participation fail to? Johnson says it boils down to three things: building trusting relationships with communities, allowing room for self-determination, and including culturally appropriate practices. The distance education program brings into the fold those that have previously been unable to take part in higher education. While the program is open to Indigenous and non-Indigenous students alike, Indigenous communities are implicated in the structure of  the program because of the way Laurentian’s Indigenous Social Work program is guided by Laurentian University Native Education Council (LUNEC). LUNEC provides a direct link to the communities served by this program. Its purpose being to assist Native self-determination by providing the necessary insight in issues concerning Native education at the University (link to site: https://laurentian.ca/lunec)

“Our program works to empower those who have been oppressed through self-determination and decolonizing theory,” Johnson says. “As well as teaching others to be self-sufficient and providing support to those who may question their own ability or readiness for university,” she adds. “Our students are provided with cultural safety, and wrap-around support that includes traditional supports and Elders . Our graduates continue to be offered employment upon graduation – many before graduating in the field.”

The program did experience its fair share of bumps in the road. When asked where she feels the program may have failed; Johnson admits that while students enrolled in the distance education program received increased levels of support, some were not as successful as they had hoped. However, she is quick to add that lack of success shouldn’t be classified as failure. Students learn at their own pace and the ability to engage with the literature is a capacity that is developed over time. Rather than defining students’ struggles as failure, Johnson says that: “It may not have been the right time for those individuals to be engaged in education, and may require healing, or other academic prep work prior to university.”

While the distance education program is still up and running, the School has put a hold on its partnership with SGEI due to financial constraints. “Students from rural and remote communities would rather our program continue to be offered in their greater community of Kenora,” admits Johnson. Yet the School found that they couldn’t justify sending a professor to Kenora within that capacity while still operating an online distance education program that provided similar services. “It was very expensive to send a professor to offer the courses in person,” she admits. “ “It was very expensive to send aneeding and benefitting from having a live professor. To develop a relationship and a discussion as per traditional ways of teaching and sharing knowledge, which is much harder through an online distance education program.”

While financial limitations led to the end of the partnership, there is still a lesson to be learned in how the School of Indigenous Social Work re-imagined distance education in a way that kept intact the personal, individual relationship between instructor and student. The gramy that kept intac dynamic between communities and the institutions that seek to aid them is a dangerously paternalistic understanding of the actual needs of these communities. Laurentian’s School of Indigenous Social Work engaged in partnership with these communities by including them in the implementation of the educational model and providing them with the tools they needed to become the primary agents of change within their communities.

There’s a general consensus that while there may be certain complexities and nuances that call for a case-by-case analysis, the search for equity is fundamentally one about access. Access creates a bridge between over here and over there, between advantage and disadvantage, privilege and marginalization. Access to education, combined with access to those who can teach, guide and mentor provides individuals with the tools necessary to challenge the limitations that surround them.

 

Arlene Johnson is a Sessional Professor within the School of Indigenous Relations. She is currently the Access Manager for the SIR where she works in field placement coordination and providing academic advice and support for School of Indigenous Relations.